Violent Crime Is Falling Fast, Don’t Let Washington Turn Good News into a Blank Check for Federal Policing
Go Right News Shared by Peter Boykin
American Political Commentator | Citizen Journalist | Activist | Constitutionalist for Liberty
America’s Murder Rate Is at a 70-Year Low. Don’t Turn Safer Streets into a Blank Check for Washington
Go Right News Shared by Peter Boykin
American Political Commentator | Citizen Journalist | Activist | Constitutionalist for Liberty
America has received genuinely good news about public safety.
The FBI’s final 2025 national crime statistics show violent crime fell an estimated 9.3 percent from 2024. Murder and nonnegligent manslaughter fell 18.1 percent, robbery fell 18.5 percent, rape declined 7.6 percent, and aggravated assault fell 7.2 percent. The FBI also reported a decline in property crime. More than 17,000 law enforcement agencies, covering 96.2 percent of the U.S. population, submitted data used in the national reporting. (FBI)
The most striking number is the murder rate.
The FBI says the 2025 murder rate fell to 4.1 per 100,000 people, tying 1955 and 1956 for the lowest rate in roughly seven decades. The bureau also says the 2024 to 2025 change represented the largest year-to-year decline in the violent crime rate since national estimates began in 1936. (FBI)
The improvement appears to have continued into 2026.
The Council on Criminal Justice examined 36 major cities with timely monthly data and found that nine of 13 tracked offenses were lower during the first half of 2026 than during the same period in 2025. Homicide fell another 18 percent, robbery fell 17 percent, and carjacking fell 47 percent. The homicide rate in those cities was 51 percent below its recent 2022 peak. (Council on Criminal Justice)
President Donald Trump is understandably highlighting the numbers as evidence that his law-and-order agenda is working. He has appeared with Attorney General Todd Blanche and FBI Director Kash Patel to make public safety a major part of the administration’s political message. (Reuters)
Trump has every right to celebrate falling crime.
Republicans should celebrate it.
Democrats should celebrate it.
Every American should celebrate fewer murders, robberies, carjackings and victims.
But there is an important factual complication before Washington turns the statistics into a political victory banner.
The crime decline began before Trump returned to office.
Homicides were already falling sharply in 2023 and 2024, and the Council on Criminal Justice traces the current downward homicide trend to the second half of 2022. The improvement has continued, and in several important categories deepened, during Trump’s second administration. (Reuters)
That makes this more important than a campaign argument over who gets the credit.
America may be experiencing one of the most significant public-safety improvements in generations.
The real challenge is figuring out what actually worked, keeping the strategies that produced results, and resisting the temptation to use safer streets as justification for permanently expanding federal police power.
The Crime Decline Is Real
Americans have spent years hearing radically different descriptions of public safety.
One side points to surveillance footage of robberies, assaults and carjackings and argues that American cities have descended into chaos.
Another side points toward national crime statistics and suggests public concern is exaggerated.
Both approaches can distort reality when they rely on selective evidence.
The FBI’s final 2025 numbers make the national direction increasingly difficult to dispute.
Serious violent crime fell substantially.
Murder fell sharply.
Robbery fell sharply.
Rape and aggravated assault also declined.
The national murder rate reached a level not recorded since the mid-1950s. (FBI)
That is not a minor statistical change.
Behind those percentages are thousands of real Americans who were not murdered, robbed or violently assaulted compared with what would have happened if previous crime rates had continued.
That should matter more than whether the numbers strengthen a Republican or Democratic talking point.
The Improvement Continued Into 2026
The Council on Criminal Justice provides an important second source because its analysis extends through June 2026.
Its study is not a replacement for the FBI’s national reporting. CCJ examined 36 large cities that consistently publish timely monthly data, and the organization cautions that its sample does not represent every American jurisdiction.
Even with those limitations, the direction is striking.
Homicide fell 18 percent.
Robbery fell 17 percent.
Carjacking fell 47 percent.
Motor vehicle theft fell 20 percent.
Residential burglary fell 13 percent. (Council on Criminal Justice)
The report also demonstrates why crime should never be reduced to one number.
Domestic violence increased 8 percent in the study cities.
Sexual assault increased 3 percent.
Drug offenses increased 12 percent. (Council on Criminal Justice)
Crime can be falling broadly while individual categories still move in the wrong direction.
A city can become safer overall while particular neighborhoods continue experiencing serious violence.
Recognizing a historic improvement does not require pretending every public-safety problem has disappeared.
Trump Can Claim Progress, but He Cannot Claim He Started the Entire Trend
The Trump administration has legitimate reasons to point toward the 2025 and 2026 numbers.
A president is judged partly by what happens while he is in office.
If FBI investigations are dismantling violent organizations, that matters.
If federal prosecutors are more effectively targeting dangerous repeat offenders or organized criminal networks, that matters.
If federal, state and local cooperation is improving, that matters.
If gang enforcement is preventing shootings, that matters.
The administration should explain those programs and provide evidence when specific policies can be connected to measurable results.
What it should not do is pretend the national crime declines suddenly appeared with Trump’s return to office.
Reuters notes that serious crime was already falling during 2023 and 2024. CCJ says the current homicide decline began in the second half of 2022. (Reuters)
That does not diminish the good news under Trump.
It tells us something more useful.
The decline survived a presidential transition.
It continued across cities governed by different political parties.
It continued across jurisdictions using different policing strategies.
That means the country should be looking for explanations deeper than one politician.
Researchers Still Do Not Have One Simple Explanation
The Council on Criminal Justice is explicit about this point.
There is no single, easy explanation for the historic decline.
Researchers have identified several possible contributors, including changes in criminal justice operations, policing strategies, new technology, demographic changes and broader shifts in society and culture. (Council on Criminal Justice)
The end of pandemic disruption may also matter.
Changes in patterns of social activity may matter.
Different local strategies may matter.
Federal enforcement may matter.
It is likely that several forces are operating at the same time.
That uncertainty should not frustrate policymakers.
It should motivate them to study the decline aggressively.
When murders fall by this much, government should want to understand why.
Washington, D.C., Is Where the Federalism Question Gets Harder
The constitutional concern becomes much more visible in Washington, D.C.
Trump declared a crime emergency in the district in 2025 and dramatically expanded the presence of the National Guard and federal law enforcement.
The Guard mission has now been extended through January 20, 2029, unless terminated earlier. The Defense Department estimates that continuing the Guard deployment through that period will cost approximately $1.4 billion. AP reports roughly 4,600 troops from the District and numerous states remain involved in the mission. (AP News)
Crime in Washington has fallen significantly.
The Council on Criminal Justice found homicide in the District down 41 percent during the first half of 2026 compared with the same period in 2025. Carjacking fell 63 percent, while motor vehicle theft dropped 54 percent. (Council on Criminal Justice)
Those are substantial improvements.
The administration points toward falling crime and thousands of arrests as evidence that the federal intervention has been effective.
But the trend in Washington was already moving downward before the federal surge, and the National Guard’s precise role in the decline is disputed.
Reuters recently examined court records and found Guard members were cited in only a small fraction of criminal cases filed in D.C. Superior Court, with much of the mission consisting of presence patrols and support activities rather than direct criminal enforcement. (Reuters)
That does not establish that the Guard presence has no deterrent value.
A visible deployment may affect behavior without producing an arrest.
The federal surge also includes agencies other than the Guard.
But it does mean policymakers should be cautious about claiming the military deployment itself caused the entire decline.
D.C. Is Different From Every Ordinary American City
There is an important constitutional qualification.
Washington, D.C., is not a state.
Congress has extraordinary constitutional authority over the District, and the president has direct control over the D.C. National Guard in a way presidents generally do not control state Guard units.
That means Trump’s authority in Washington cannot simply be copied and pasted onto Charlotte, Dallas, Chicago or Los Angeles.
Still, the political principle deserves scrutiny.
An emergency deployment that lasts until 2029 begins to raise an obvious question.
At what point does an emergency policy become ordinary government?
Emergency authority should have measurable objectives.
Government should tell citizens what conditions justify continuing extraordinary measures.
It should explain what would allow those measures to end.
A public-safety emergency should have an exit ramp.
Falling Crime Does Not Mean Police Are No Longer Necessary
There is an opposite mistake that should also be rejected.
Crime falling sharply does not prove policing is unnecessary.
Good law enforcement may be one reason crime is falling.
Police presence can deter crime.
Detectives can solve violent offenses.
Prosecutors can incapacitate dangerous offenders.
Federal investigators can disrupt interstate organizations that local departments cannot effectively pursue alone.
Modern technology can help identify stolen vehicles, wanted suspects and criminal networks.
The lesson should not be less law enforcement simply because the numbers improved.
The lesson should be better law enforcement, measured by results and constrained by constitutional rights.
A country can support police and still demand limits on police power.
Those principles are not contradictory.
Federal Law Enforcement Has a Legitimate Role
There are crimes where federal involvement is indispensable.
Interstate organized crime.
Human trafficking.
Terrorism.
Large narcotics organizations.
Cybercrime.
Multi-state criminal enterprises.
Federal firearms offenses.
Crimes involving federal property or federal officials.
The FBI, DEA, ATF, Homeland Security and federal prosecutors have resources and jurisdiction local agencies do not.
Cooperation can make communities safer.
The problem begins when federal partnership becomes federal domination of ordinary local policing.
America has never been designed around one national police force controlling every neighborhood.
Local departments, elected sheriffs, state police and federal agencies have different responsibilities.
That decentralization can be inefficient.
It also prevents one government from controlling every layer of law enforcement.
Conservatives Should Apply the Same Federalism Test Under Every President
The easiest way to test a federal power is to imagine it in the hands of a president you oppose.
Imagine a future Democratic president announcing that North Carolina sheriffs are failing to enforce Washington’s preferred gun-control policies.
Imagine federal officers flooding conservative counties because the administration believes local law enforcement is insufficiently aggressive.
Imagine Washington declaring a prolonged public-safety emergency and maintaining a large federal enforcement presence over local objections.
Would conservatives suddenly rediscover federalism?
Of course.
That is why the constitutional principle should be applied now.
Trump deserves every legitimate federal power the Constitution and Congress give him.
He does not need more than that to be an effective president.
And conservatives should not create precedents today that they would consider dangerous tomorrow.
Emergency Power Needs an Exit Ramp
This is a recurring lesson in American government.
After September 11, temporary security measures became long-term institutions.
During COVID, emergency authorities lasted far longer than many Americans originally expected.
Government is very good at acquiring powers during crises.
It is much less enthusiastic about surrendering those powers afterward.
Crime policy is not exempt from that tendency.
If government claims extraordinary authority because crime is an emergency, then falling crime should force a second question.
When does the emergency end?
A successful emergency policy does not automatically justify permanent continuation.
Sometimes success means the policy worked.
Sometimes it means the extraordinary measure can finally be reduced.
A limited government should be capable of recognizing the difference.
The Real Opportunity Is Learning What Worked
The national crime decline gives policymakers a rare opportunity.
Instead of spending the next year arguing over which president gets the credit, government should investigate the evidence.
Did targeted enforcement against a small number of high-risk repeat offenders reduce shootings?
Did improved homicide clearance rates matter?
Did gang prosecutions reduce retaliatory violence?
Did license plate readers and other technologies contribute to the collapse in vehicle theft?
Did community violence intervention programs prevent shootings?
Did changing drug markets affect homicide patterns?
Did demographic changes matter?
Did the end of pandemic social disruption matter?
Did improved federal-local cooperation matter?
The answer may be several of those things.
That is why serious policy research matters.
A program should not be preserved because conservatives like its philosophy.
It should not be preserved because progressives like its philosophy either.
If it measurably reduces victimization while respecting constitutional rights, study it and consider expanding it.
If it spends enormous amounts of taxpayer money without producing results, reconsider it.
The purpose of public safety policy is not ideological purity.
It is fewer victims.
What We Know and What Is Still Developing
The FBI’s final 2025 statistics show violent crime fell 9.3 percent, murder and nonnegligent manslaughter fell 18.1 percent, robbery fell 18.5 percent, rape fell 7.6 percent and aggravated assault fell 7.2 percent. The national murder rate of 4.1 per 100,000 tied 1955 and 1956. (FBI)
The Council on Criminal Justice found the broad decline continued through the first half of 2026 in its sample of large American cities, including an 18 percent reduction in homicide and a 47 percent reduction in carjacking. (Council on Criminal Justice)
Trump is making the decline part of his law-and-order message, but national crime had already begun falling substantially before his second term. (Reuters)
Washington’s National Guard mission has been extended through January 2029 at an estimated cost of roughly $1.4 billion, even as questions continue about the Guard’s precise contribution to the city’s falling crime rate. (AP News)
What researchers still do not have is one definitive explanation for the historic decline.
That uncertainty should not stop Americans from celebrating.
It should stop politicians from pretending the evidence proves more than it actually proves.
Trump Should Take the Win, but Don’t Turn Falling Crime into an Excuse for Unlimited Federal Power
The Go Right with Peter Boykin Perspective
There is something America should be capable of saying without asking whether Republicans or Democrats get the credit first.
Fewer Americans are being murdered.
That is good.
It is not Republican good.
It is not Democratic good.
It is American good.
When the murder rate reaches a level, we have not seen since the 1950s, we should celebrate it.
When robberies drop nearly 19 percent, celebrate it.
When homicide continues dropping into the next year, celebrate it.
When carjackings collapse in major cities, celebrate it.
Every one of those percentages represents actual human beings.
There is a family that never received the phone call saying someone they loved had been murdered.
There is a store clerk who was not robbed at gunpoint.
There is a driver who was not carjacked.
There is a teenager who was not caught in a shooting.
Those people matter more than whichever politician puts the statistic in a campaign advertisement.
President Trump should absolutely talk about these numbers.
He is president while the improvement is continuing.
If the FBI is doing something better, keep doing it.
If Attorney General Todd Blanche’s Justice Department is successfully dismantling violent organizations, keep doing it.
If Kash Patel’s FBI is improving coordination with local departments, keep doing what produces results.
If federal prosecutors are getting dangerous repeat offenders off the streets, that deserves recognition.
If gangs are being disrupted before they can murder people, good.
I am not interested in denying Trump credit simply because the trend began before he returned to office.
But I am also not interested in rewriting history to make the entire national decline begin on Inauguration Day.
It did not.
Crime had already started falling.
That is just a fact.
And I actually think that fact makes the story more encouraging, not less.
The decline survived a presidential transition.
It continued under different prosecutors.
It continued in Republican areas.
It continued in Democratic cities.
It continued under different police chiefs and different local political philosophies.
That tells me there may be something deeper happening here than one administration’s talking points.
That should make us curious.
What worked?
That is the question Washington should be obsessed with.
Instead, Washington often wants the trophy before it finishes studying the game.
Trump says his policies did it.
Democrats say the decline started under Biden.
Fine.
Everybody can put out a press release.
I want the evidence.
Show me which federal programs reduced murders.
Show me which local policing strategies reduced robberies.
Show me which gang prosecutions prevented retaliatory shootings.
Show me whether improved technology helped drive down car theft.
Show me whether better homicide clearance rates affected deterrence.
Show me which community programs reduced violence instead of merely generating good publicity.
Show me which policies failed.
Then keep what works.
End what does not.
That is how government should function.
I am a strong supporter of law enforcement.
I do not believe liberty means allowing criminals to terrorize communities.
There is nothing free about living in a neighborhood where parents are afraid to let their children play outside.
There is nothing free about running a convenience store where robbery is considered part of the cost of doing business.
There is nothing free about an elderly person being afraid to walk to the car.
Public safety is part of liberty.
Government has a legitimate responsibility to protect life and property.
Police officers who enforce the law professionally and constitutionally deserve support.
Dangerous repeat offenders should face consequences.
Violent gangs should be dismantled.
Trafficking organizations should be destroyed.
People who victimize their neighbors should not be treated like the real victims while communities are expected to absorb the damage.
But there is another side to limited government that conservatives cannot forget.
A good objective does not create unlimited government power.
Safety does not erase constitutional boundaries.
That is where Washington, D.C., becomes such an important example.
Trump declared a crime emergency.
Federal agencies surged into the city.
National Guard troops were deployed.
Crime continued to fall.
The administration points toward thousands of arrests and major reductions in crime.
Those results deserve to be examined fairly.
But the National Guard mission is now scheduled through January 2029.
That is no longer a short emergency response.
It is becoming a long-term federal presence.
Maybe there is a compelling reason for that.
Then tell the American people what it is.
What is the mission now?
What benchmarks determine success?
What circumstances allow the deployment to end?
Why are thousands of troops still required when crime has fallen so dramatically?
What functions are troops performing that ordinary police cannot?
What is the taxpayer receiving for approximately $1.4 billion?
Those are not anti-Trump questions.
They are not anti-police questions.
They are accountability questions.
And I think conservatives should be asking them precisely because we say we believe in limited government.
There is also a difference between police officers and soldiers.
The American tradition deliberately separates military power from ordinary domestic policing.
There are exceptional circumstances where military support may be necessary.
But we should never become casual about soldiers performing routine public-safety functions.
Even in Washington, where the constitutional arrangement is different from a state, we should understand the precedent we normalize culturally and politically.
Imagine this authority under someone you do not trust.
That is always my test.
Imagine a future Democratic president saying North Carolina sheriffs are not doing enough to enforce federal gun restrictions.
Imagine Washington flooding conservative counties with federal officers because the administration believes local law enforcement is insufficient.
Imagine federal personnel remaining there year after year.
Would Republicans say, “This is fine because the president is protecting public safety”?
Absolutely not.
We would talk about state sovereignty.
We would talk about local control.
We would talk about federalism.
We would talk about constitutional limits.
Those principles should not magically appear only when Democrats control Washington.
If federalism protects us from President Gavin Newsom someday, then federalism also deserves respect under President Donald Trump today.
That does not weaken Trump.
It strengthens the constitutional system he operates within.
Trump should use every ounce of federal authority he legitimately possesses.
Not one ounce less because Democrats dislike him.
Not one ounce more because Republicans trust him.
That is the standard.
There is another lesson here that goes far beyond policing.
Emergency power needs an exit ramp.
America repeatedly forgets this.
After September 11, the federal government gained extraordinary surveillance authority because Americans were told the country faced an extraordinary threat.
Some of those measures were probably necessary.
Some became permanent features of government long after the immediate crisis changed.
Then COVID arrived.
Governors and federal agencies exercised extraordinary powers because officials said emergency conditions required extraordinary action.
Conservatives rightly asked when those powers would end.
The answer too often became, “Not yet.”
Government has a tendency to treat temporary authority like a souvenir.
Once government acquires power, it finds reasons to keep it.
Crime policy can follow the same pattern.
Government says there is an emergency.
Government acquires extraordinary authority.
The policy works, or conditions improve for other reasons.
Then government says the success proves it should keep the power.
That is not automatically true.
Sometimes the success means the emergency policy should continue.
Sometimes it means the emergency has ended.
A limited government should be capable of giving power back.
That is part of what makes it limited.
And I think the falling crime numbers give America a rare opportunity to rethink how public safety should be measured.
Stop asking whether a policy sounds tough.
Stop asking whether a policy sounds compassionate.
Ask whether it works.
If a police strategy reduces shootings without trampling innocent people, use it.
If a community violence program can prove that it prevents retaliatory murders, use it.
If federal prosecutions against interstate gangs reduce violence, use them.
If technology helps officers recover stolen cars and catch dangerous people, use it with appropriate privacy safeguards.
If a program consumes millions of taxpayer dollars and produces no measurable improvement, end it.
I do not care whether the failed program was invented by Republicans or Democrats.
Government is not supposed to be an ideological museum where every party preserves its favorite programs forever.
Public safety should be results-driven.
But constitutional rights should also be part of the result.
A strategy that reduces crime while routinely abusing innocent citizens is not a complete success.
A policy that protects every procedural right but leaves families trapped in violent neighborhoods is not a complete success either.
The objective should be maximum public safety consistent with constitutional liberty.
That is not always easy.
Government has to balance competing interests.
That is what governing is.
I want police who can actually do their jobs.
I want prosecutors who care about evidence instead of politics.
I want violent criminals facing consequences.
I want innocent people treated like innocent people.
I want due process.
I want federal agencies focused on federal problems.
I want sheriffs and local police accountable to the people closest to them.
I want cooperation among every level of government when cooperation makes communities safer.
But I do not want Washington gradually converting cooperation into control.
That is the line conservatives should watch.
Give Trump credit where the evidence supports credit.
Give Biden-era local improvements credit where they contributed.
Give police departments credit.
Give prosecutors credit.
Give community organizations credit when they can prove they helped.
Give new technology credit if the data demonstrate that it mattered.
There does not have to be one winner.
Maybe several things worked simultaneously.
That would actually be the best possible outcome because it would give America several tools instead of one ideological answer.
And perhaps the most important thing we can do is refuse to waste this moment.
If the national murder rate is truly near historic lows, this is a remarkable opportunity.
Study it while the evidence is fresh.
Why did some cities outperform others?
Why did carjacking fall so dramatically?
Why did motor vehicle theft reverse its pandemic-era surge?
Why is homicide dropping while domestic violence rose in some data?
What is different about the places where homicide did not decline?
What did police departments change?
What did prosecutors change?
What happened in the drug market?
What happened demographically?
What happened socially after the pandemic?
Government should know.
Universities should study it.
Think tanks should study it.
Police departments should share data.
Congress should ask questions.
And politicians should stop pretending they already know the answer because the answer happens to fit their ideology.
So yes, President Trump should take the win.
America is safer by important measures.
Celebrate that.
Back good police work.
Prosecute violent criminals.
Keep the policies that can demonstrate results.
But do not turn safer streets into a blank check for permanent federal policing.
Do not allow emergency government authority to become permanent simply because government says the emergency program worked.
Do not centralize policing because Washington thinks it can do every local government’s job better.
And do not manipulate genuinely good news into claims the evidence cannot prove.
The goal should not be maximum government power.
The goal should not be minimum law enforcement.
The goal should be effective law enforcement within constitutional limits.
Fewer murders.
Fewer robberies.
Fewer victims.
Safer families.
Secure property.
Strong police.
Accountable police.
Local control where local control belongs.
Federal authority where federal authority is genuinely necessary.
Civil liberties protected throughout the process.
That is what a safer constitutional republic should look like.
Because the America worth building is not merely an America where government has enough power to keep us safe.
It is an America where citizens are safe enough to enjoy their liberty, and government remains limited enough that the power used to protect us cannot eventually be used against us.
Let’s #GoRight, not blindly right, but constitutionally right.
The FBI’s final 2025 crime statistics show violent crime fell 9.3 percent and murder dropped 18.1 percent, bringing the national murder rate to 4.1 per 100,000, tied with the mid-1950s for a roughly 70-year low. Independent city data show homicide continued falling into 2026. President Trump is highlighting the improvement as part of his law-and-order agenda, but the trend began before his second term. The real challenge is identifying what worked while resisting the temptation to turn safer streets into permanent federal police power.
#GoRight #GoRightNews #PeterBoykin #ConstitutionalistForLiberty #DonaldTrump #PresidentTrump #ViolentCrime #Crime #MurderRate #LawAndOrder #PublicSafety #FBI #BackTheBlue #Police #Federalism #CivilLiberties #LimitedGovernment #Constitution #WashingtonDC #NationalGuard #RuleOfLaw #GovernmentAccountability #PublicSafety #LocalControl
Sources
Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI Releases 2025 Reported Crimes in the Nation Statistics
Final national FBI crime reporting for 2025, including the 9.3 percent decline in violent crime, 18.1 percent reduction in murder and the 4.1 per 100,000 murder rate. (FBI)
https://www.fbi.gov/news/press-releases/fbi-releases-2025-reported-crimes-in-the-nation-statistics
Council on Criminal Justice, Crime Trends in U.S. Cities: Mid-Year 2026 Update
Independent analysis of 36 large cities showing continued declines in homicide, robbery, carjacking and several other offenses while explaining the study’s limitations. (Council on Criminal Justice)
https://counciloncj.org/crime-trends-in-u-s-cities-mid-year-2026-update/
Reuters, Trump Touts Drop in U.S. Crime Rates With an Eye on Midterms
Reporting on Trump’s public-safety message, the administration’s claims and the longer timeline of the national crime decline. (Reuters)
https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/trump-tout-drop-us-crime-rates-with-an-eye-midterms-2026-08-14/
Associated Press, Guard Deployment to Washington Into 2029 Will Cost Roughly $1.4 Billion
Reporting on the extended National Guard deployment, projected cost and size of the ongoing mission. (AP News)
https://apnews.com/article/64017d169872fe730ef2976504302e7b
Associated Press, Washington Grapples With a National Guard Deployment Extended Until 2029
Background on the crime decline in Washington, the federal presence and the continuing debate over D.C. autonomy and federal power. (AP News)
https://apnews.com/article/66e7c6ab6beccd4146f39cff514f99c8
Reuters, Trump Put Thousands of Soldiers on Washington’s Streets. They Seldom Stop Crime
Current reporting examining the role National Guard troops have actually played in criminal cases during the Washington deployment. (Reuters)
https://www.reuters.com/world/us/trump-put-thousands-soldiers-washingtons-streets-they-seldom-stop-crime-2026-08-19/
Council on Criminal Justice, Crime in Washington, D.C.: What You Need to Know
Current analysis showing homicide, carjacking and motor vehicle theft falling sharply in Washington during the first half of 2026. (Council on Criminal Justice)
https://counciloncj.org/crime-in-washington-dc-what-you-need-to-know/
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